{"id":5082,"date":"2023-10-26T11:49:44","date_gmt":"2023-10-26T09:49:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/frdelpino.es\/actualidad\/?p=5082"},"modified":"2023-12-11T11:30:59","modified_gmt":"2023-12-11T09:30:59","slug":"crisis-capitalismo-democratico","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/frdelpino.es\/actualidad\/crisis-capitalismo-democratico\/","title":{"rendered":"La crisis del capitalismo democr\u00e1tico"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/strong>La Fundaci\u00f3n Rafael del Pino organiz\u00f3 la Conferencia Magistral \u00abLa crisis del capitalismo democr\u00e1tico\u00bb impartida por Martin Wolf<\/strong><\/span>. Martin Wolf es editor asociado de Econom\u00eda y comentarista econ\u00f3mico jefe de Financial Times<\/em>. Est\u00e1 considerado uno de los economistas m\u00e1s reconocidos de la escena internacional. Las revistas Prospect<\/em>\u00a0o\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/em> lo describen como \u00abel periodista financiero m\u00e1s influyente de la \u00abAnglosphere<\/em>\u00bb y personalidades como Kenneth Rogoff o Lawrence Summers lo consideran \u00abel principal escritor financiero y econ\u00f3mico del mundo\u00bb. Ha sido profesor visitante en las universidades de Oxford y Nottingham, miembro del Foro Econ\u00f3mico Mundial en Davos y de la Comisi\u00f3n Vickers del Reino Unido, as\u00ed como\u00a0Distinguished Visiting Fellow for International Economics<\/em>\u00a0del\u00a0Council on Foreign Relations<\/em>. Adem\u00e1s, es doctor\u00a0Honoris Causa<\/em>\u00a0por las universidades de Lovaina, Londres, Nottingham y la\u00a0London School of Economics<\/em>. Martin Wolf ha puesto a disposici\u00f3n de todos los interesados su intervenci\u00f3n, que pueden leer a continuaci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n

\n

\u201cIt is clear then that the best partnership in a state is the one which operates through the middle people, and also that those states in which the middle element is large, and stronger if possible than the other two together, or at any rate stronger than either of them alone, have every chance of having a well-run [democratic]constitution.\u201d Aristotle, Politics<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201c<\/em>\u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f04\u03b3\u03b1\u03bd<\/em>\u201d (Nothing in excess.)<\/em><\/p>\n

From the Temple of Apollo at Delphi<\/em><\/p>\n

The democratic recession<\/span><\/h2>\n

In a liberal democracy \u2014 a democracy characterised by individual civil rights, the rule of law, and respect for both the rights of the losers and the legitimacy of the winners \u2014 fair elections determine who holds power.<\/p>\n

Attempts by a head of government and state to subvert the election or overturn the vote are treason. Yet that is what Donald Trump attempted to do both before and after the last presidential elections.<\/p>\n

He failed. Decent and brave people ensured that. But to this day, despite the mid-terms, Trump\u00a0continues to hold the loyalty of his party’s base and, forced or not, of nearly all its presidential candidates, too.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, conservative stalwarts, such as Liz Cheney, were defenestrated. Her crime? Stating that Trump’s Big Lie that the outcome of the election was a lie is a Big Lie.<\/p>\n

The Republican party \u2014 one of the two main parties in the world\u2019s foremost democracy \u2014 is no longer committed to the most fundamental of all democratic norms: fair and free elections.<\/p>\n

Yet, how can a democracy survive if people think the only<\/em> thing that matters is winning? Democracy is founded on moral values: we are all citizens; we govern through debate; and we argue honestly. With these values gone, what is left but violence?<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Trump is, alas, far from alone. Freedom in the World 20<\/em>21<\/em>, from the independent US watchdog, Freedom House, published in February, reported a 16th consecutive year of decline in the health of liberal democracy. The \u201cdemocratic recession\u201d noted by Larry Diamond of Stanford and the Hoover Institution more than one and a half decades ago is close to a \u201cdemocratic depression\u201d.<\/p>\n

This decline occurred in all regions of the world, notably in the fragile democracies that emerged after the Cold War. But, most significantly, it is also observable in core Western democracies including the US, the most important of all democracies, indeed the country that saved democracy in the 20th<\/sup> century.<\/p>\n

How democratic capitalism was born<\/span><\/h2>\n

According to the Polity IV database, there were no democracies two centuries ago<\/em>. Even where republican institutions did exist, the franchise was highly restricted, on the grounds of sex, race, and wealth.<\/p>\n

Then in the 19th<\/sup> century, franchises were widened and universal suffrage democracy emerged and spread in fits and starts to cover half of the world\u2019s countries after 1990, before declining once again. This did not happen everywhere. But it happened in enough important countries to change the world.<\/p>\n

Why did this happen? It is, after all, rather extraordinary that democratic principles were accepted by so many countries.<\/p>\n

The normal way to structure the economies and politics of complex societies has been for power to marry wealth and wealth to marry power: the most powerful people in society were the richest and vice versa. <\/em>Absolute monarchs effectively owned everything.<\/p>\n

Why did this revolutionary change towards democracy occur? The answer lies in the emergence of a marriage between two very different partners: a liberal economy and a democratic polity. Market capitalism and democracy are, I argue, \u201ccomplementary opposites\u201d.<\/p>\n

The market economy and universal suffrage democracy both reject ascribed hereditary status. They embrace the idea that people are entitled to decide important things for themselves.<\/p>\n

Market capitalism rests on ideals of free labor, individual effort, reward for merit, and the rule of law. Democracy rests on ideals of free discussion and debate among citizens when making those laws.<\/p>\n

Historically, the market economy also brought urbanisation, demand for a more educated workforce, the newly organised working class, as well as opportunities for \u201cpositive sum\u201d politics.<\/p>\n

Democracies rest on the existence of an economically independent citizenry. That was Aristotle\u2019s point. A fully socialist society is inevitably a dictatorship, since the ownership of productive assets is vested entirely in the state. In the absence of co-ordination through competitive markets, that state is then responsible for the allocation of those valuable resources. It has too much power<\/p>\n

Markets protect democratic politics from such an excessive concentration of power, but democratic politics also protect markets from an excessive concentration of wealth.<\/p>\n

This then is how the market economy and liberal democracy are complementary.<\/p>\n

Yet they are also opposites. Capitalism is inherently cosmopolitan; the democratic state is territorial. The market is the domain of \u201cexit\u201d; democracy is the domain of \u201cvoice\u201d. The market economy is inegalitarian (one dollar, one vote); democracy is egalitarian (one person, one vote).<\/p>\n

\n

Tensions between capitalism and democracy will inevitably emerge.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

If the economy fails to serve the interests of the majority, the sense of shared citizenship will fray and populist demagogues will emerge. Such populism is not necessarily lethal for democracy, so long as it takes the form of a justified (even fruitful) hostility to elites. But often it transforms into hostility to pluralism itself, which is an essential element in any democracy.<\/p>\n

In sum, democracy and the market are married to each other. But it is a difficult marriage, as so many are.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Democracy is then transformed into a \u201cplebiscitary dictatorship\u201d and ultimately a dictatorship, tout court<\/em>, in which the dictator insists that \u201cle peuple, c\u2019est moi\u201d.<\/em> Alternatively, the concentration of wealth can lead to plutocracy as wealth is once again transmuted into power. Indeed, it is quite likely to have predatory autocracy and corrupt plutocracy in uneasy tension. That was the governing system of the Roman Empire.<\/p>\n

Today\u2019s unhappy high-income democracies<\/span><\/h2>\n

Large rises in inequality and the deteriorating prospects of the old \u201crespectable\u201d working and middle classes in core democracies have been eroding the foundations of democracy.<\/p>\n

The fear of downward mobility has created \u201cstatus anxiety\u201d and political cynicism. These have then been diverted by right-wing propagandists into cultural and racial resentments, especially in ethnically diverse societies.<\/p>\n

This is not new. It has long been the foundation of the political culture of the American South. Mutatis mutandis<\/em>, this was the foundation of interwar European fascism, too.<\/p>\n

Those resentments have been greatly aggravated by the emergence of a large and discontented class of university-educated \u201cclerics\u201d dedicated to a \u201cprogressive\u201d cultural and racial politics. This identity army of the left then clashes with (and motivates) the majoritarian (\u201csilent majority\u201d) identity army of the right.<\/p>\n

The emergence of the \u201cnew media\u201d have facilitated all these trends. But they have not created them.<\/p>\n

A big question is what has happened to create this \u201cstatus anxiety\u201d, especially in people who did not go to college.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

\n

In the long run, the important phenomena have been economic: deindustrialisation, rising inequality, and falling productivity growth.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

An intriguing fact is that the US and UK are the most unequal of the big high-income democracies and they have also had some of the potent right-wing populist politics. Is that an accident?<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

As Raghuram Rajan argued, easy credit papered over these trends. But that blew up in the financial crisis. The scale and visibility of the crisis and subsequent rescue of the banks and bankers convinced many that elites were both corrupt and incompetent.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

That is why the Republican establishment became so ripe for a populist take-over. But in truth what happened discredited the establishment in both parties, as it did in the UK over Brexit.<\/p>\n

The shift towards skill-intensive sectors and technologies, de-industrialisation of the labour force, globalisation and the rise of China were the product of powerful underlying economic forces.<\/p>\n

Yet there is also substantial evidence of the emergence of \u201crentier\u201d capitalism, with declining competition, rising monopoly, and unbridled self-seeking by corporate executives.<\/p>\n

Furthermore, the role of money in politics, especially in the US, has eroded the tax base and the effectiveness of regulation.<\/p>\n

Democratic capitalism in today\u2019s world<\/span><\/h2>\n

Branko Milanovic argues that capitalism is \u201calone\u201d: it has won.<\/p>\n

Yet what sort of capitalism has won? Is it what Milanovic calls \u201cliberal capitalism\u201d and I would call \u201cdemocratic capitalism\u201d or is it to what he calls \u201cpolitical capitalism\u201d and I would call \u201cauthoritarian capitalism\u201d?<\/p>\n

There are in fact two forms of authoritarian capitalism<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

The most common version derives from a hostile takeover of democracies. The would-be autocrat eats out democracy from within. Usually, he starts as a populist demagogue. Features of such regimes include a narrow circle of trusted servants, promotion of members of the family, and \u201cpower ministries\u201d who are personally loyal to the leader. Plutocrats may find it necessary to support the gangster in charge. Ultimately, however, they survive only as his cronies.<\/p>\n

The other challenge is \u201cbureaucratic authoritarian capitalism\u201d: the Chinese system. A communist bureaucracy operating a capitalist economy can be self-disciplined, long-sighted, technocratic, and rational.<\/p>\n

Even so, bureaucratic capitalism also suffers from the vices of authoritarianism, especially the tendency towards corruption, and crony capitalism. These failings damage both the economy and political legitimacy.<\/p>\n

Bureaucratic authoritarian capitalism is a significant challenger to Western democratic capitalism. Yet, we must not despair.<\/p>\n

Autocracies are bad systems: they do not have a structure of accountability; they do not have an open debate; they cannot ensure the peaceful transfer of power; and they tend towards unbridled cronyism and corruption. Indeed, corruption too often becomes<\/em> the system.<\/p>\n

Moreover, liberal democracy has come through many challenges over the past century.<\/p>\n

More fundamentally, it is the right system. It rests on the magnificent belief in the right of people to make up their own minds and lead lives they choose within societies whose joint decisions are taken with the active consent of the governed.<\/p>\n

Renewing democratic capitalism<\/span><\/h2>\n

The renewal of democracy and capitalism must be animated by a simple but powerful idea: that of shared citizenship.<\/p>\n

If democracy is to work, we cannot think only as consumers, workers, business owners, savers, or investors.<\/p>\n

\n

We must think as citizens.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Today, citizenship must have three aspects: loyalty to democratic political and legal institutions and the values of open debate and mutual tolerance that underpin them; concern for the ability of fellow citizens to live a fulfilled life; and the desire to create an economy that allows all citizens hope of a better future.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/span><\/h2>\n

The world has changed too profoundly for nostalgia to be a sane response. Be one on the right or the left going back to the past is a fantasy.<\/p>\n

Yet some things remain the same. Human beings must act collectively as well as individually. Acting together, within a democracy, means acting and thinking as citizens. If we do not do so, democracy will fail.<\/p>\n

The UK had Boris Johnson and then Liz Truss as prime ministers in succession. One was a fraud; the other was a fanatic. But they were got rid of, peacefully. Contrast this with the fate of Vladimir Putin or Xi Jinping. Both are brutal dictators, and both are also manifestly incompetent. And is there any way to ensure that autocrats will be decent, self-restrained people? None. Is there any way of getting rid of them? None, short of violence.<\/p>\n

That is the difference.<\/p>\n

It is the difference between rule by consent and rule by coercion.<\/p>\n

\n

It is the duty of all of us to ensure that our hard-won democracies do not fail.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Acceda a la conf<\/span>e<\/span>rencia<\/span> completa<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cLa Fundaci\u00f3n Rafael del Pino no se hace responsable de los comentarios, opiniones o manifestaciones realizados por las personas que participan en sus actividades y que son expresadas como resultado de su derecho inalienable a la libertad de expresi\u00f3n y bajo su entera responsabilidad. Los contenidos incluidos en el presente resumen, realizado para la Fundaci\u00f3n Rafael del Pino por Martin Wolf, son resultado de la conferencia que ha tenido lugar en la Fundaci\u00f3n y es responsabilidad de su autor.\u201d<\/h6>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

La Fundaci\u00f3n Rafael del Pino organiz\u00f3 la Conferencia Magistral \u00abLa crisis del capitalismo democr\u00e1tico\u00bb impartida por Martin Wolf. Martin Wolf es editor asociado de Econom\u00eda y comentarista econ\u00f3mico jefe de Financial Times. Est\u00e1 considerado uno de los economistas m\u00e1s reconocidos de la escena internacional. Las revistas Prospect\u00a0o\u00a0Foreign Policy lo describen como \u00abel periodista financiero m\u00e1s […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":5085,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,8],"tags":[17,18,120,59],"class_list":{"0":"post-5082","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-economia_y_empresa","8":"category-sociopolitica","9":"tag-democracia","10":"tag-derecho","11":"tag-europa","12":"tag-politica"},"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nLa crisis del capitalismo democr\u00e1tico - FRP Gaceta<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"El Estado de Derecho en la Uni\u00f3n Europea se ve cuestionado por pa\u00edses miembros como Polonia y Hungr\u00eda - FRP Gaceta\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/frdelpino.es\/actualidad\/crisis-capitalismo-democratico\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"es_ES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"La crisis del capitalismo democr\u00e1tico - 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